In all of Africa, you can hardly find two regions, in two different nation states, as historically similar and as culturally compatible as Northern Nigeria and Niger Republic. In pre-colonial times, both areas almost always belonged to the same empires that rose and fell in the region over hundreds of years. The major ethnic groups in both regions are the same, including the Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Zabarma and Tuaregs. Hausa is the major language spoken in both regions either as native language or as a strong second language. Islam is also the dominant religion in both areas, while cultural similarities are legion. As a result of this cultural and language similarity, there is much intermarriage between peoples of the two regions.
Since both Nigeria and Niger Republic regained independence in 1960, the former from Britain and the latter from France, relations at the political level have been very cordial between leaders of the two countries. Niger Republic’s first President, Diori Hamani, was very close to Sardauna of Sokoto Sir Ahmadu Bello and to Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. They exchanged regular visits and saw eye to eye on all regional and international issues. This very warm relationship continued under General Yakubu Gowon, who was very pained at the overthrow and detention of Diori Hamani in 1974, as the late Alhaji Usman Faruk, who was Military Governor of neighbouring North Western State, recounted in his memoirs. However, the difference between the 1974 situation and the 2023 coup in Niger is that in the 1970s, military coups were in fashion all over Africa, Gowon himself was a military ruler, ECOWAS did not even exist, so to demand a return to democratic governance was not an issue at the time. In fact, in those days, unlike now, the governing principle of the Organisation of African Unity [OAU], precursor of the African Union [AU], was “non-interference in the internal affairs of member states,” however sordid those were.
Today things are very different and the requirement for free elections and democratic governance is a cornerstone principle of ECOWAS and AU. Indeed, all 15 member countries of ECOWAS signed the protocol to adhere to it. It was therefore nothing odd that Nigeria and other ECOWAS member nations urged General Abdourahmane Tchiani and his colleagues to free President Mohammed Bazoum from detention and restore him to power, or at the very least, to announce a credible program for a quick return to constitutional rule in their country. The same requirement was made of Burkina Faso and Mali, where elected governments were also toppled in military coups.
What followed was of course unpleasant, including suspension of these countries from ECOWAS, imposing of economic sanctions and an initial threat to use military force, as well as the three countries serving notice to withdraw from the regional body. While ECOWAS leaders have since backtracked on these measures and have even given the three countries’ leaders a six-month grace to rethink their notice to withdraw, the military rulers themselves have remained intransigent and have refused to grab the olive branch.
Instead, they proceeded to form their own regional bloc called Alliance of Sahelian States and invited Russia to plug the gap created by their expulsion of French and American military bases. Tchiani in particular went beyond that and mounted a propaganda effort against his southern big brother Nigeria. Though the official lingua franca in one is English while in the other it is French, he cleverly used the Hausa language common denominator in both Niger and Northern Nigeria, gave a wide ranging radio and tv interview and launched a barrage of accusations against the Federal Government of Nigeria. He said it is hosting French military bases, is sponsoring a program to destabilise Niger Republic, has created the Lakurawa terrorist group, and that it was complicit in the attack on the Niger-Benin oil pipeline.
All four accusations have since been proved false. Both Nigerian and French government officials have since denied harbouring any plot against the Niger Republic. Residents of northern Sokoto and Borno states all denied that there were any French troops in their localities, and they are the best witnesses if ever such exist. Besides, the Lakurawa terrorist group are in fact Nigerien citizens and for several months now, Nigerian troops and security forces have been battling to chase them out of Nigeria.
Why then should General Tchiani be doing this? From all indications, it is a sly effort to divert attention, not only from his regime’s failure to bring security and economic prosperity to his country, but also to divert attention from his failure to announce a program of restoring constitutional rule. He intends to rule interminably, like the African military rulers of old. Such a prospect not only promises continued international isolation for his country but also the prospect of internal instability. Without legitimacy or tenure, equally ambitious military officers must be hatching their own plots to take over power.
This is not a fruitful path to take. General Tchiani should not ruin the historical ties with Nigeria on the altar of personal sit-tight ambition.
Dr Usman, a retired Foreign Service officer, lives in Abuja.
