Democracy, as a system of governance, is facing significant challenges in West Africa. The region, known for its diverse cultures and complex political landscapes, has experienced a series of setbacks that have raised concerns about the strength and suitability of the democratic system. Today, I will strive to explore the reasons behind the faltering of democracy in West Africa, citing examples such as the recent elections postponement in Senegal, the dissolution of the transition government in Guinea by the junta, and the series of military takeovers in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso.
Senegal, often regarded as a democratic success story in West Africa, experienced a setback in its democratic journey with the postponement of the 2024 presidential elections. The decision to delay the polls, initially scheduled for February 25, 2024, was met with widespread criticism and violent protests, and also raised concerns about the erosion of democratic principles. The incumbent president, Macky Sall, claimed that the postponement was necessary due to electoral challenges, but many viewed it as an attempt to manipulate the electoral process and extend his stay in power. This incident highlighted the vulnerability of democratic institutions to political manipulation and raised doubts about the system’s credibility and future elections in the country.
Guinea’s recent political turmoil further exemplifies the faltering state of democracy or democratic process in West Africa. The country’s transitional government, established in September 2021 following a military coup that ousted President Alpha Condé, was dissolved by the ruling junta last Monday.
Guinea is expected to hold elections to restore democratic rule in 10 months but the dissolution of transitional government has casted doubts on holding elections in the near future.
The dissolved government was led by Bernard Goumou, who had been appointed prime minister by coup leader Mamady Doumbouya, who led Guinea’s armed forces to overthrow elected President Alpha Condé, after a series of protests over Mr Conde’s controversial bid for a third term.
The dissolution of transitional government undermined the progress made towards democratic transition and raised concerns about the military’s influence on political affairs. The subsequent appointment of military officials to key positions demonstrated a regression in the democratization process, eroding public trust in the country’s democratic institutions.
Across West Africa, a series of military takeovers in countries such as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have disrupted democratic processes, leading to political instability and a loss of public confidence in democratic governance. In Mali, for instance, the military overthrew President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta in August 2020, citing corruption and ineptitude. Subsequently, a transitional government was established, but another coup followed in May 2021, further undermining democratic progress in the country. Similar patterns have emerged in Niger and Burkina Faso, where military interventions have become recurrent, posing significant challenges to the consolidation of democratic institutions.
With regional stability and political cohesion already tested to breaking point following the withdrawal of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), West African ministers converged in Abuja last week for yet another emergency meeting unknowing of the further shocks that would befall the region.
The meeting had originally been summoned to discuss last month’s announcement from the Sahel nations of their intention to pull out from the 15-member bloc “without delay”.
However, by the time they arrived in the Nigerian capital city, the ministers found themselves confronted with an entirely new crisis added to their agenda – the decision of Senegal’s Macky Sall to postpone the February 25 presidential election.
Just when ECOWAS’ civilian-led member states needed to maintain a united front in defence of constitutional rule in the face of the military regimes that have swept across West Africa since 2020, one of the region’s most high-profile democratically elected presidents has unilaterally changed the rules.
Mr Sall intends to extend his stay in power by nine months beyond the official April 2 handover date, in the possibly vain hope of boosting his camp’s hopes of victory at the polls when he does eventually stand down.
Many wonder if his ultimate goal is a U-turn, abandoning his promise to stand down and instead running for a further term.
Already ECOWAS was struggling to sustain serious pressure on the military leaders of the Sahel region – who have bolstered their domestic support by painting the regional bloc as bullying neighbours in thrall to France, the former colonial power in much of the region.
As it tries to resist and reverse the tide of coups, one of the biggest obstacles for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led ECOWAS is the accusation of hypocrisy or double standards – that the bloc talks tough when soldiers seize power from civilians, but rarely speaks or acts with any force when elected civilian leaders stage “constitutional coups” and change or bend the rules to prolong their own stay in office – as happened in Guinea in 2020.
And that is not the only example. The previous year, Togo had passed constitutional amendments to allow President Faure Gnassingbé to stand for two more terms.
In neighbouring Benin all opposition parties were excluded from the legislative polls and then in 2021 two of the leading opposition contenders for the presidency were detained before the election and later sentenced to long jail terms.
Against the background of such manipulations and abuses by civilian-led governments, the ECOWAS 2001 protocol on “democracy and good governance” risks reading like empty words.
Indeed, there has been a spreading recognition that this undermines its moral leverage and chances of mobilising public support for efforts to pressure coup leaders into restoring democracy.
That is why its reaction to President Sall’s postponement of the Senegalese election will be so critical.
After earlier attempts to agree a region-wide limit of only two presidential terms were blocked by some member governments, ECOWAS officials have been exploring other ways of toughening the rules to penalise or block constitutional manipulation. But, the bloc has generally lacked the diplomatic clout, and sometimes the political will, to enforce meaningful and consistent adherence to its proclaimed democratic governance standards.
Reasons for the faltering of democracy? Many West African countries suffer from weak democratic institutions, including fragile judiciaries, corrupt bureaucracies, and ineffective electoral commissions. These institutional shortcomings create an environment ripe for abuse of power, erode public trust, and hinder the effective functioning of democracy.
Similarly, West Africa’s diverse ethnic and religious landscape often becomes a source of political tension and conflict. Politicians exploit these divisions to garner support along ethnic or religious lines, further polarizing societies and undermining the principles of inclusivity and equality that are crucial to democracy.
In addition, persistent poverty, high unemployment rates, and income inequality contribute to social unrest and political instability. These socioeconomic factors create a fertile ground for populist movements and the rise of authoritarian tendencies, which undermine democratic processes.
Most significantly, the influence of external actors in West Africa’s democratic processes has also contributed to the faltering of democracy. Foreign powers often prioritize their strategic interests over democratic values, supporting autocratic regimes or turning a blind eye to democratic backsliding for geopolitical gains. This undermines the region’s efforts to establish and maintain democratic governance.
The argument that liberal democracy is alien to Africa and does not fit within the continent’s political culture is a viewpoint that has been debated extensively. Some people argue that while it is true that democracy as a concept originated in Western societies, it is not a fixed and monolithic system. However, this writer insists that the Western-style democracy has no place in the continent.
Africa is a diverse continent with a rich tapestry of cultures, traditions, and political systems. It is essential to appreciate the diversity within Africa and recognize that democratic principles cannot be integrated in its entirety into our different cultural contexts even though it can be redesigned to take on various forms and compelled to adapt to the African context.
But liberal democracy, as championed by the West, require the complete abandonment of our religious principles, cultural values and traditions, and doing so will be feckless and inexpedient.
